Burkina Faso’s Revolutionary Leader – Messiah or Puppet in the Geopolitical Tug-of-War?
If there is one man who has captured the attention of millions of people in Africa and beyond, that man is Ibrahim Traoré, the self-styled, self-made, flamboyant and youthful revolutionary leader of Burkina Faso. Many Pan-Africanists see him as being a ‘resurrection’ of the successful and greatly loved Thomas Sankara, President of Burkina Faso from 1983 to 1987. But some critics see Traoré as just another dictator in military uniform and a ‘sell out’ to Putin’s Russia. So who is Traoré and where does Burkina Faso sit now in the context of contemporary geopolitics?
Captain Traoré
Captain Ibrahim Traoré was born on 14 March 1988 in Kéra, Bondokuy Department, Burkina Faso. He studied geography at the University of Ouagadougou where he was known for his student activism and his Pan-Africanist ideals. Those close to him believe that he is greatly influenced by the example of the late Thomas Sankara and that he shares both Sankara’s revolutionary ideals and his desire to achieve positive change for the people of Burkina Faso.
An artillery officer, Traoré led the September 2022 coup which ousted interim President Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, making Traoré – at just 34 – the world’s second youngest head of state. His rapid ascent was driven by dissatisfaction within the army over Damiba’s failure to curb the jihadist insurgency plaguing Burkina Faso since 2015. On seizing power Traoré emphasized the need to refocus on the insurgency and restore national security.
Traoré presents himself as an energetic man of the people who defies foreign occupation and neo-colonialism. As such he enjoys substantial support from Pan-Africanists and Wahhabi Muslims, factions united in their opposition to western influence – notably that of France – but who nonetheless advocate stronger ties with Russia. Indeed, demonstrations in Ouagadougou have featured both the display of Russian flags and calls for an end to the French military presence.
Strained Relations with France
Burkina Faso is a landlocked country in West Africa boarded by Mali to the northwest, Niger to the northeast, Benin to the southeast, Togo and Ghana to the south and Ivory Coast to the southwest. It covers 105,878 square miles with a population of about 24 million people.
France occupied present day Burkina Faso in 1896 as part of French West Africa. In 1958 the country (then called Upper Volta) became a self-governing colony within the French Community and in 1960 it gained formal independence. But the French government continued to interfere in the politics of Burkina Faso while controlling and exploiting the country’s resources. Moreover, military coups – some suspected to have been sponsored by western powers – repeatedly destabilised the country.
France influence was itself seen as a destabilizing factor and many Burkinabe wanted the French to leave. Traoré’s government expelled French forces in early 2023, signalling a significant shift in foreign policy. This, together with allegations that France supported Damiba during the coup, exacerbated tensions.
Strengthening Ties with Russia
With the French forced out, Traoré has cultivated a closer relationship with Russia. The Russian paramilitary Wagner Group has expressed support for his leadership, and Russian flags have become a common sight at pro-government rallies. Not surprisingly, concerns have been raised about Burkina Faso’s increasing reliance on Russian military and economic support, potentially at the expense of its sovereignty. However, many Pan-Africanists see no danger in an alliance with Russia – they are obsessed with getting rid of the French. But the question must be asked: ‘What is Russia getting in return?
Russia was struggling to gain access to Burkina Faso’s resources before Traoré came to power, but now they have a golden opportunity, and it would be naïve to think that Russia is acting out of charity. Quite apart from access to resources, the partnership with Traoré gives it a strategic foothold in West Africa and the chance to challenge western dominance in the region. The downside is that Burkina Faso may become overly dependent on Russian support. Whereas the country stands to gain with one hand, it will massively lose by the other.
Implications for Senegal
Senegal, a neighbouring country with a stable democratic government, maintains a cautious stance regarding Traoré’s leadership and Burkina Faso’s alignment with Russia. While regional cooperation is essential for addressing shared security challenges, Senegal’s interests may not align with Traoré’s approach, particularly concerning foreign alliances and governance models. It is therefore uncertain whether Senegal would benefit from closer ties while Traoré is in power.
Conclusion
To the jubilant Pan-Africanists I have this to say. If you are celebrating Traoré for his rejection of neo-colonialism and imperialism, surely you should stop and ponder the nature of his alliance with Russia? The question you should be asking is this: ‘Is Traoré a Messiah or a Puppet, a democrat or a dictator, a revolutionary or a masquerade?
I am making a clarion call to reason. Several African dictators started off like Traoré. One example is Uganda’s strongman dictator and Pan- Africanist, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni who was a much-loved president from 1986 to 1996. He then became obsessed with holding on to power at all costs and began killing, torturing and eliminating his rivals and oppositionists, gradually turning into the worst of Uganda’s many dictators.
Museveni’s grip onto power has been supported by Western powers including Russia, France and USA. As a Ugandan who has witnessed what Museveni has done to my country, I fear the worst when I see Traoré making ‘unholy’ alliances with Russia – despite him dishing France and other imperialist forces. There is some sense in having Russia as an ally, but at what cost? Have Pan-Africanist leaders helped to safeguard Traoré and Burkina Faso’s natural resources? Have regional and continental organisations suddenly died? What have the African Union, ECOWAS and others done in this fight? If they had supported Traoré he would have had no need to seek help elsewhere.
While Traoré’s policies have attracted domestic support – particularly among the youth and Pan-Africanist groups – they also raise legitimate concerns about economic dependency and governance. The long-term impact of his leadership on Burkina Faso and the broader West African region remains to be seen.
By Kato Mukasa
